This short report provides information and analysis on Moldova, including its
political and economic situation, foreign policy, and on U.S. policy toward Moldova.
This report will be updated as events warrant.

Political Situation

Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policymakers due
to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In
addition, some experts have expressed concern about alleged Russian efforts to extend
its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence,
manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and
energy supplies and other trading links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has
made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policymakers, including
trafficking in persons and weapons.

Moldova in World Fact Book

Moldova is a parliamentary democracy that has held largely free and fair elections
since achieving independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. In the most recent
parliamentary elections on March 6, 2005, the Communist Party of Moldova (CPM) won
a majority of 56 seats in the 101-seat parliament. The Democratic Moldova Bloc (DMB),
an alliance of small centrist groups, won 34 seats. The nationalist and pro-Romanian
Christian Democratic Popular Party won 11 seats. Observers from the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) said that the vote was carried out generally
in line with international standards, but they criticized the election campaign for biased
electronic media coverage, misuse of government resources in favor of the CPM, and
harassment of opposition candidates and non-governmental organizations.

On April 4, 2005, Vladimir Voronin was reelected as President by the parliament.
Voronin gathered support not only from his own Communist Party, but also from the
center-right Christian Democratic Popular Party, and the Social Liberals, once part of the
Democratic Moldova Bloc. Local elections in June 2007 led to substantial victories for
the opposition, including the election of a 28-year-old human rights activist as mayor of
the capital, Chisinau. While support for the government appears to be declining, the Communists still retain strong support among the elderly and in rural areas. The next
parliamentary elections are scheduled for 2009.

Transnistria.

Conflict between
Moldovan forces and those of the
breakaway “Dniestr Republic” (a
separatist entity proclaimed in 1990 by
ethnic Russian local officials in the
Transnistria region of Moldova) erupted
in March 1992. Over 300 people died in
the violence. A cease-fire was declared
in July 1992 that provided for Russian,
“Dniestr Republic,” and Moldovan
peacekeepers to patrol a “security zone”
between the two regions. Each of the
peacekeeping contingents have roughly
400 personnel. They are overseen by a
Joint Control Commission, which
includes the three sides, as well as the
OSCE as an observer.
The causes of the conflict are
complex, involving ethnic factors and,
above all, maneuvering for power and
wealth among elite groups. Ethnic
Russians and Ukrainians together make
up 51% of Transnistria’s population of
about 650,000, while Moldovans are the
single largest ethnic group, at 40%.
Many analysts are convinced that a key
factor obstructing a settlement is the personal interests of the leaders of the “Dniestr
Republic” and associates in Moldova, Russia and Ukraine, who control the region’s
economy. They also allegedly profit from illegal activities that take place in Transnistria,
such as smuggling and human trafficking. The 2006 State Department human rights
report sharply criticized the “poor” human rights record of the “Dniestr Republic,” noting
its record of rigged elections, harassment of political opponents, independent media, many
religious groups, and Romanian-speakers.

Negotiations over the degree of autonomy to be accorded the Transnistria region
within Moldova have been stalled for many years.(1) The two sides have negotiated over
Transnistria’s status with the mediation of Russia, Ukraine and OSCE. In 2005, at the
urging of Ukraine and Moldova, the United States and the European Union joined the
talks as observers. This process resulted in proposals for a federal Moldova, in which
Transnistria would have great autonomy. Nevertheless, Transnistrian leaders, apparently

satisfied with the present state of affairs, blocked any agreement. In September 2006,
Transnistria held a referendum on independence and union with Russia, which passed
with 97% of the vote.

While stopping short of openly advocating independence for Transnistria, Russian
officials have pointed to the possible independence of Kosovo from Serbia as a precedent
for Transnistria. Russia has provided financial support to Transnistria, including grants
and loans as well as subsidized energy. In return, Russian firms have received stakes in
Transnistrian businesses.(2) On the other hand, analysts say Russian leaders may be
disenchanted with Transnistria “President” Igor Smirnov, particularly after he refused in
2007 to repay debts owed to the Russian state-owned natural gas firm Gazprom for
natural gas supplies. However, if Moscow moves against Smirnov, it would likely be to
substitute a more pliable replacement, not to abandon support for the separatist cause
itself.

Economy

According to the World Bank, Moldova’s per capita Gross National Income was
$960 in 2005, the lowest in Europe. Living standards are poor for the great majority of
Moldovans, particularly in rural areas. Poverty is a significant problem; 29% of the
population live in poverty, according to the World Bank. Many Moldovans are dependent
on remittances from the estimated 600,000 Moldovans working abroad, out of a total
Moldovan population (excluding Transnistria) of 3.2 million. Remittances amount to
about one-third of the country’s Gross Domestic Product. Moldova’s main natural
resource is its rich soil. Agriculture, especially fruit, wine and tobacco, plays a vital role
in Moldova’s economy. Most of Moldova’s industry is located in Transnistria, and is not
counted in Moldovan government statistics. Moldova’s lack of control over its borders
has severely hampered its ability to collect customs revenue.
Moldova has had mixed success in economic reform. It has succeeded in achieving
a measure of macroeconomic stability, including the stabilization of Moldova’s national
currency, the Leu. Moldova’s small economy is highly vulnerable to external shocks.
Moldova has privatized its small and medium-sized business sector, and it has had
success in privatizing agricultural land. The sale of large firms has been more difficult and
foreign investment in Moldova is low. Key problems include poor governance, a weak
judiciary, and corruption.

Foreign Policy

Perhaps Moldova’s most important foreign policy relationship is with Russia. Most
of Moldova’s exports go to Russia, and over 90% of its energy imports come from Russia.

Moldova has accumulated large debts to Russian energy firms. Some analysts charge that
Russia has used negotiations over Transnistria to expand its political leverage over the
country and to block any Moldovan moves toward Euro-Atlantic integration. The
Transnistria issue is complicated by the continued presence of about 1,500 Russian troops
in the breakaway region (including the approximately 400-person peacekeeping
contingent in the security zone), as well as huge stockpiles of weapons and ammunition.
Russia has flatly refused to honor commitments it made at the 1999 OSCE summit in
Istanbul to withdraw its forces from Moldova. Russian leaders have also attempted to
condition the withdrawal of Russian troops on the resolution of Transnistria’s status.
Both Moldovan and Russian officials agree that the tons of munitions in Transnistria
must be removed or destroyed before the Russian troops pull out, in order to prevent the
weapons from falling into the hands of criminals, terrorists and other undesirable groups.
However, Russian officials maintained that they could not withdraw the munitions
without the permission of the Transnistria authorities, who claim that the weaponry is
their “property.” A few trainloads of munitions were withdrawn to Russia in 2003 (under
OSCE monitoring and with the use of an OSCE trust fund), but the effort stopped in late
2003 after the collapse of Russian-mediated talks on Transnistria’s future.
Since the failure of a Russian-brokered draft agreement to solve the Transnistria
problem in 2003, President Voronin advocated reorienting Moldovan foreign policy away
from Russia and closer to the West. Moldova does not seek NATO membership but
participates in Partnership for Peace (PFP) exercises and favors increased cooperation
with NATO.

Moldova currently has a partnership and cooperation agreement with the European
Union (EU), which provides for cooperation in a wide variety of spheres and holds out
the possibility of an eventual free trade agreement. Moldova signed an Action Plan with
the EU in 2005 in the context of the EU’s European Neighborhood policy. The EU plans
to provide 209.7 Euro ($310 million) in aid to Moldova between 2007 and 2010, a
substantial sum for a small country. The EU has also granted Moldova trade preferences
that will permit it to sell more of its wine and agricultural goods to the EU, perhaps
enabling it to reduce its dependence on the Russian market. Since 2005, an EU mission
has helped to monitor Moldova’s Transnistria border with Ukraine, in an effort to deter
smuggling. Moldova hopes to become a candidate for EU membership, although the EU
is unlikely to accept Moldova as a candidate in the foreseeable future, due to Moldova’s
poverty and the EU’s own internal challenges.

On January 1, 2006, Gazprom cut off natural gas supplies to Moldova, after
Moldova rejected Gazprom’s demand for a doubling of the price Moldova pays for natural
gas. Gazprom restored supplies on January 17, in exchange for a price increase from $60
per 1,000 cubic meters to $110. Moldova also agreed to give Gazprom, already the
majority shareholder, a higher equity stake in Moldovagaz, which controls Moldova’s
natural gas pipelines and other infrastructure. Gazprom is also seeking to complete the
purchase of Transnistria’s stake in Moldovagaz. Gazprom increased the price of its gas
to Moldova to $170 in 2007. It is planned that the price will be gradually increased until
it reaches the price paid by EU member states in 2011. Some analysts charge that Russia
is using energy supplies and other trade as weapons to pressure Moldova to drop its pro-
Western orientation and to turn its energy infrastructure over to Moscow. Gazprom is
interested in securing Moldova’s domestic power plants, as payment for gas debts. In
2005, Russia also restricted wine and other agricultural imports from Moldova, allegedly
over health concerns, dealing a very heavy blow to the country’s economy. Russia finally
permitted Moldovan wine imports again in November 2007, but Moldova’s wine exports
remain sharply reduced from former levels.

Moldova’s ties with Romania are a sensitive issue in both countries. Many
Romanians consider Moldovans in fact to be Romanians, and support the eventual
unification of the two countries. Although most independent experts consider the
“Moldovan language” to be Romanian, the issue is a matter of political controversy in
Moldova. After the incorporation of Moldova into the Soviet Union during World War
II, Soviet authorities promoted the idea of a separate Moldovan language (using the
Cyrillic rather than the Latin script), as a means of countering possible secessionist ideas.
Those favoring the term “Moldovan” tend to accept the Soviet legacy in Moldova, and
favor Moldova’s independence or close ties with Russia. Many persons favoring the term
“Romanian” support union with Romania. In a 1994 referendum, over 90% of
Moldovans rejected unification with Romania. However, it is possible that more
inhabitants of this impoverished country may begin to favor union with Romania now that
Bucharest is a member of the EU. Romania’s entry into the EU led to an avalanche of
Moldovan applications to Romania for dual Romanian-Moldovan citizenship; estimates
range up to 800,000 persons.

Read more: U.S. Policy

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DANIEL FRIED : RUSSIA CANT USE KOSOVO ISSUE TO ANNEX GEORGIA

Observatiile noastre privind declansarea unor evenimente majore in acest spatiu sunt impartasite si de medii de peste Ocean. Redam in baza editorialului “Al doilea an de Razboi Rece la Prut”, o sinteza a unui material aparut chiar la inceputul acestei luni in cotidianul canadian The Globe and Mail: “Tensiunile cresc in regiunea Marii Negre”. Gasiti aici analiza integrala
Tensions mount by the shores of the Black Sea insotita de doua puneri in tema retrospective privind planurile strategice ale Statelor Unite in Romania si la Marea Neagra.

Al doilea an de Razboi Rece la Prut

Anul 2008 va fi al doilea an al Razboiului Rece dintre cele doua Romanii declansat de guvernarea comunista de la Chisinau. Anul trecut s-a incheiat in forta prin tratarea Mitropolitului Petru al Basarabiei la granita drept traficant de droguri, iar anul 2008 a inceput cu expulzarea rapida si fara multe comentarii a doi preoti din cadrul Mitropoliei Basarabiei. Razboiul Rece dintre cele doua maluri ale Prutului a fost declansat la inceputul anului 2007 cand presedintele Vladimir Voronin i-a primit pe reprezentantii “minoritatii moldovenesti” din Romania pe care i-a cainat pentru discriminarea la care sunt supusi.

Voronin si-a continuat ofensiva pe tot parcursul anului 2007 prin declaratii agresive, o data pe luna, la postul prezidential de televiziune NIT – bineinteles, in limba rusa.

Serviciile de informatii de la Chisinau au lasat deoparte orice alta activitate si s-au pus pe urmarit diplomati romani – iar pasii gresiti au fost sanctionati rapid prin scandaluri de presa. Ofensiva de toamna a inregistrat o expulzare de diplomati si tratarea cu spatele a ministrului roman de Externe aflat in vizita anuntata la Chisinau. In paralel o serie de ideologi “moldovenizatori” au dezvoltat spre culmi nebanuite tezele “moldovenismului”.

Instrumentarul folosit apartine Razboiului Rece fara nici o indoiala: declaratii agresive (Voronin mai flutura din cand in cand perspectiva “Moldovei Mari” de la Carpati la Nistru), expulzari de diplomati, boicotarea relatiilor diplomatice normale, ideologizarea discursului interstatal in locul unui dialog.

La nivelul politicii interne comunistii de la Chisinau practica acapararea mass-mediei electronice si presiunile asupra celei scrise, ideologizarea cursului de istorie din scoli, stergerea din spatiul public a orice aduce cu roman – Romania.

Ideologia “moldovenismului” a fost expusa intr-o serie de volume tiparite in masa dupa venirea comunistilor la guvernare in anul 2000, cuprinzand doar cateva teze, dar fixe: exista o limba moldoveneasca diferita de limba romana; exista un popor moldovenesc diferit de cel roman; statul medieval Moldova si-a continuat existenta si dupa Unirea din 1859 cu Tara Romaneasca. Dupa stabilirea si publicarea acestor teze de fosti ideologi comunisti de la Chisinau, comunistii de la guvernare au inceput treptat sa le puna in aplicare. Tezele expuse mai sus dateaza din perioada stalinista, au fost demontate de oameni de stiinta rusi si occidentali – insa aceste lucruri nu au importanta pentru neo-bolsevici.

Ce i-a facut pe comunistii de la Chisinau sa declanseze acest Razboi Rece? Cel mai probabil faptul ca statul Republica Moldova este unul falimentar care nu isi poate controla teritoriul insumat cu posibilitatea ca romanii din stanga Prutului sa primeasca cetatenia romana care sa le asigure libertatea si bunastarea.

Imediat dupa declansarea acestui conflict Voronin a enuntat si ce doreste: semnarea unui tratat de baza cu Bucurestiul. Ce n-a spus Voronin este ca vrea sa includa in acest tratat si tezele “moldovenismului” aratate mai sus – iar asa ceva nu poate si nu trebuie sa fie acceptat de Romania.

Neo-bolsevicii de la Chisinau vor continua cu ofensiva anti-romaneasca in cursul anului 2008 – iar dupa cresterea graduala in intensitate a mijloacelor folosite nu este exclus sa fim martori la violente fizice, cele mai probabile tinte putand fi ziaristii si politicienii de opozitie. Ce nu inteleg neo-bolsevicii este ca astfel de gesturi nu-i apropie de Europa. Si nici macar de Rusia care nu are nevoie de ei sau de acordul lor pentru a-si pastra bazele militare in Transnistria.

George DAMIAN – ZIUA

Tensiunile cresc in regiunea Marii Negre

Washington, 4 ian /Rompres/ – Tensiunile se intensifica in regiunea Marii Negre, iar lupta dintre Est si Vest este pe cale sa cuprinda anul acesta intreaga regiune, adesea cu implicatii militare, avertizeaza publicatia canadiana Globe and Mail.

Daca anul acesta te vei duce in statiunea bulgara Burgas pe litoralul estic al Europei, iti vei da repede seama ca te afli in centrul celui mai amplu si ingrozitor conflict din lume, care implica mai multe tari si puteri nucleare din timpul Razboiului Rece si care probabil va genera explozii in 2008.

Aruncati o privire de-a lungul tarmului si mai spre nord veti vedea bombardiere si avioane de supraveghere americane decoland de pe bazele bulgaresti si romanesri din zona litoralului, in timp ce militari din SUA si NATO isi muta echipamentele in locatii situate pe coastele, foste sovietice, ale Marii Negre.

|n 2008, la un an dupa ce Uniunea Europeana a primit in randurile ei Bulgaria si Romania, doua foste membre ale Pactului de la Varsovia, NATO va intreprinde cele mai agresive actiuni pentru a castiga restul regiunii. Summit-ul anual al Aliantei Nord-Atlantice va avea loc in Romania si cel mai exploziv subiect de pe ordinea de zi va fi presupusa aderare a Georgiei – tara de la Marea Neagra care, daca adera, va extinde adanc in interiorul fostei Uniuni Sovietice teritoriul acestei aliante militare din timpul Razboiului Rece.

Moscova reactioneaza deja cu furie la prezenta tot mai extinsa a NATO in aceasta regiune, care inainte se afla complet sub sfera de influenta a Rusiei, exceptie facand Turcia care a fost in mod traditional membra a NATO. Jumatate din numeroasele ‘conflicte inghetate’ din Georgia, Ucraina, Azerbaidjan si Moldova par gata sa erupa in razboaie ample pentru secesiune in acest an; miscarile militante se bucura de sprijinul Moscovei.

Pentru cele 100 de milioane de persoane care traiesc in jurul Marii Negre, 2008 poate fi foarte bine resimtit ca o revenire la Razboiul Rece. Desi, de aceasta data, nu este clar de care parte se afla o natiune, o regiune sau un popor: ca si America de Sud sau Asia de sud-est in timpul precedentei confruntari Washington-Moscova, regiunea Marii Negre a devenit un teritoriu permanent contestat, subiect de impartire a influentelor in timp ce populatiilor credule li se distribuie la intamplare bani si arme.

Operatiunea Marea Neagra?

Vezi mai jos de ce aloca Bruxellesul, Washingtonul si Moscova atat de mult timp, bani si armament unei zone care inainte zacea in obscuritate

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VEZI si: Mitropolia Basarabiei, amenintata cu disparitia

Mitropolia Basarabiei şi-a exprimat intenţia de a depune o plângere la Curtea Europeană a Drepturilor Omului în replică faţă de gestul autorităţilor Republicii Moldova care au cerut ca patru preoţi şi o maică din cadrul acestei mitropolii să părăsească teritoriul statului.
Motivul invocat de autorităţi: aceştia nu ar avea documente legale de şedere şi muncă în Republica Moldova, transmite BBC.

Şeful Cancelariei Mitropoliei Basarabiei, diaconul Andrei Deleu, a apreciat acţiunile întreprinse faţă de preoţi drept un nou val de persecuţii, inspirate de conducerea politică a Republicii Moldova.

„Noi considerăm aceste acţiuni drept o nouă intimidare şi răfuială împotriva Mitropoliei Basarabiei de către autorităţile Republicii Moldova”, a spus părintele Deleu, adăugând că, în consecinţă, Mitropolia Basarabiei se pregăteşte să depună o plângere la CEDO, cât mai curând cu putinţă.

„Vom fi nevoiţi să depunem o nouă plângere la CEDO, deoarece Hotărârea CEDO din 13 decembrie 2001 cu privire la Mitropolia Basarabiei nu a fost îndeplinită definitiv, ba dimpotrivă în ultimul moment a început o nouă prigoană împotriva Mitropoliei Basarabiei, a explicat Andrei Deleu. Nu putem să spunem cât de repede vom depune această plângere, juristul nostru lucrează la acest proiect astfel încât să o depunem cât mai curând la CEDO.”

“Intimidare” – Preotul Constantin Stoica a exprimat îngrijorarea BOR

Patriarhia Română şi-a exprimat îngrijorarea faţă de ceea ce a calificat drept încercările de intimidare a reprezentanţilor Mitropoliei Basarabiei, dependente canonic de Biserica Ortodoxă Română.

Purtătorul de cuvânt al Patriarhiei, preotul Constantin Stoica, a precizat însă că ar fi de dorit ca incidentele să se rezolve pe plan local, de către cei în cauză.

Unul dintre preoţii români care au primit ordin de părăsire a teritoriului Republicii Moldova este Ionel Bâgea.
Acesta slujeşte de aproximativ 14 ani în satul Vadul lui Isac, din Republica Moldova.

La începutul lunii decembrie a fost trimis în instanţă de autorităţile moldovene pentru că nu ar fi avut acceptul oficialităţilor locale şi de stat pentru o oficia cermoniile religioase la biserica din localitate.

După Crăciun, când a încercat să intre din România în Republica Moldova, poliţia de frontieră din această ţară nu i-a mai permis să treacă graniţa.

Cititi mai jos transcrierile RADOR: RRA: Proteste ale credinciosilor fata de expulzarea a doi preoti romani de autoritatile din Cahul, Republica Moldova * BBC: Interviu cu preotul Ion Bagea, extradat din Republica Moldova

Agitaţie printre enoriaşi

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Ca urmare a indiferentei cu care sunt tratati peste 50.000 de romani din regiunea Transcarpatia, din Ucraina, de catre autoritatile romane, acestia lanseaza un apel disperat catre romanii de pretutindeni pentru ca acestia, de oriunde s-ar afla, sa faca presiuni asupra indolentelor autoritati romane, pentru a li se redeschide puncte de trecere a frontierei catre tara mama de care istoria i-a despartit, transmite Romanian Global News.

„Iubiti frati romani!

Se adreseaza catre dumneavoastra romanii din dreapta Tisei – Maramuresul Voievodal Ucraina, urmasii dacilor liberi, urmasii lui Dogdan si Dragos-Voda in legatura cu izolarea noastra din partea Romaniei. Aici, in Romania Mica locuiesc de mii de ani romanii ramasi dupa impartirea Maramuresului integral – 4 iunie 1920. Atunci eram 11 mii, azi am ajuns la peste 50 de mii de oameni. Atunci romanii nostri au fost impartiti si dati uitarii. Dar s-au impacat cu soarta, cu mersul istoriei, bucurandu-se macar de faptul ca au avut posibilitatea sa se vada, sa se intalneasca unii cu altii, sa studieze in Romania, aflandu-se sufleteste alaturi de fii lor. Istoria a fost aspra – cehii au plecat, au venit maghiarii, am rabdat toti impreuna, dar nu am ingenuncheat, au venit rusii in 1944 si ne-au izolat si mai tare cu un gard de sarma ghimpata de GULAG stalinist, macar ca eram la un pas unii de altii si auzeam ciripitul pasarilor, sunetele clopotelor de la Sighet, radioul si televiziunea romana.

Am fost izolati fizic, dar nu sufleteste. Au trecut anii si noi credeam ca nu va sosi sfarsitul si ca Bunul Dumnezeu nu va lasa sa fie vesnic blestemul izolarii.Multa apa a curs pe Tisa, mult timp am asteptat ziua deschiderii punctului de trecere a frontierei Slatina-Sighet, care a coincis cu ziua de nastere a poetului national al Romanilor – Mihai Eminescu – 15 ianuarie 2007. Cu acest prilej, la Slatina, au fost prezenti cei doi presedinti – Presedintele Ucrainei – Viktor Iuscenko si Presedintele Romaniei – Traian Basescu.

Ne-am bucurat cu totii de ziua mult-asteptata, cu atat mai mult ca am fost vizitati la noi acasa de Presedintele Romaniei, dl Traian Basescu. In acea zi am auzit numai vorbe frumoase si multe promisiuni. Si le-am dat crezare. Dar ne-am inselat din nou. Dupa cateva luni, la 22 august 2007, punctul de trecere a frontierei Slatina – Sighet a fost inchis pe motiv ca podul de peste Tisa „Slatina-Sighet” cere reparatii urgente. Noi am cerut sa se gaseasca o modalitate de trecere a frontierei, macar pietonal, dar strigatul nostru n-a fost auzit si ascultat.

La putin timp dupa aceasta, Romania a inchis si punctul de trecere al frontierei „Campulung pe Tisa – Teresva”, motivand ca „trenul” face contrabanda. Din nou am ramas izolati de Patria-mama, suntem la un pas de Romania dar nu putem sa o vizitam, dimineata auzim cocosii cantand, ne auzim unii pe altii, din stanga si dreapta Tisei – dar raul din nou ne desparte.

Ne-am adresat la cele mai inalte institutii din Romania in legatura cu redeschiderea circulatiei pe podul de peste Tisa, dar nu suntem ascultati. Noi strigam, iar ei nu ne aud.Oare de ce Doamne? Cate odata ni se spune – Romania a aderat la Uniunea Europeana, Romania este tara straina pentru voi. Ne intrebam: de ce? Noi cu totii suntem increzatori ca acolo unde se vorbeste limba romana – acolo este Romania si atunci, de ce ne-ai izolat, Patrie-mama? Apelam la d-voastra, frati romani de Pretutindeni, ajutati-ne sa iesim din izolare, prin redeschiderea punctelor de trecere a frontierei dintre Romania si Ucraina – Transcarpatia, noi dorim sa ne aflam alaturi de poporul roman si de toti acei care poarta numele de roman.

Va cerem sprijinul D-voastra si va rugam sa fiti alaturi de noi.

Cu stima frateasca, Ion BOTOS (foto, in picioare);

Presedintele Uniunii regionale a Romanilor din Transcarpatia „Dacia”, Ucraina Apsa de Jos

Vineri, 04 ianuarie 2008

Cititi aici mesajul presedintelui Romaniei, Traian Basescu, “către românii care, fără voia lor, nu mai sunt în Patria-mamă”

Vizionati aici transmisia TVR